從昔日宿敵到「不可替代」的盟友:查爾斯三世演說揭示的 5 個英美關係驚人真相

(擷取自Youtube Tension, Humor, Power: King Charles’ Speech Shakes Washington)

文:Gary 張友義 / NotebookLM

引言:當君主走入民主的殿堂

在美國即將迎來建國兩百五十週年(Semiquincentennial)的歷史時刻,華盛頓特區的國會大廈上演了一幕跨越時空的政治隱喻。當大英帝國的現任君主查爾斯三世,緩步走入這座象徵共和精神與民權意志的「民主堡壘」時,空氣中凝結著一種微妙的歷史厚度。
這是一個引人入勝的矛盾:一位英國國王,竟然在熱情慶祝當年反抗其祖先、斷絕王權枷鎖的「反叛者」。然而,在優雅的外交辭令背後,這場演說並非僅僅是禮儀性的應酬,而是一位資深觀察家對大西洋兩岸深層連結的解構。透過國王的視角,我們發現這段「特殊關係」遠比歷史教科書上的描述更為驚人、更具韌性。
驚人傳統:白金漢宮裡的「議會質押」
查爾斯三世在演說中展現了其特有的機智,他首先引用了一個充滿中世紀色彩的古老傳統,瞬間打破了國會大廈嚴肅的氣氛。他提到,在英國的「議會開幕大典」(State Opening of Parliament)期間,王室至今仍維持著一個「扣押人質」的習俗:當君主前往威斯敏斯特發表演說時,白金漢宮會實質上扣留一名國會議員,以確保君主能平安歸來。
這個曾經反映君權與民權之間劇烈衝突與不信任的傳統,如今已演變成一種英式幽默的展現。查爾斯三世巧妙地將此轉場至當代英美間的深厚互信,他開玩笑地對著美國議長與議員們說:
「現在我們對賓客照顧得很好,甚至讓他們不想離開。」
這不僅僅是一個冷笑話,它深刻地揭示了英美關係的本質:我們已經從需要靠「人質」維持和平的宿敵,進化到了連最古老的猜忌都能轉化為友誼笑談的「不可替代」夥伴。

法律基因:美國最高法院裡的《大憲章》

對於英美兩國而言,民主並非憑空產生的奇蹟,而是一種法律基因的漫長演化。查爾斯三世在演說中提出了一個令在場法學家與政治家震驚的數據:自 1789 年以來,1215 年簽署的英國《大憲章》(Magna Carta)在美國最高法院的案件中被引用超過 160 次。
這揭示了兩國共享的憲制底色——即**「行政權力必須受到制衡」**的核心價值。國王深刻地分析道,1689 年英國的《權利宣言》不僅是英國君主立憲制的靈魂,更是 1791 年美國《權利法案》的靈感源泉,兩者的措辭甚至如出一轍。
最令人動容的敘事,莫過於國王提到蘭尼米德(Runnymede)——那個《大憲章》簽署的歷史遺址。英國人民將那裡的一英畝土地永久贈與美國,這塊土地不僅是為了紀念甘迺迪總統,更象徵著兩國對自由意志的共同守望。這種「土地的饋贈」,具象化了兩國法理血脈的融合。
跨越大陸的聯繫:阿帕拉契山脈與蘇格蘭的地理奇蹟
查爾斯三世將演說的尺度從政治史拉升到了地質史,提出了一個宏大且充滿啟發性的比喻。他指出,早在人類畫出邊界線、甚至早於文明誕生前的數億年前,蘇格蘭的山脈與美國的阿帕拉契山脈,曾是遠古大陸碰撞中產生的同一條連續山脈。
這個地理奇蹟被國王用來隱喻當代的全球挑戰。在談及氣候危機時,他強調這些自然系統——也就是他所稱的**「自然界的經濟基礎」(Nature’s own economy)**——才是人類繁榮與國家安全的真正根基。這不僅是關於環境保護的呼籲,更是查爾斯三世對兩國共同責任的深刻體認:既然我們在地理的源頭上本為一體,那麼在應對生態崩潰的挑戰上,我們亦擁有密不可分的共同韌性。
「兩個喬治」的故事:從衝突中誕生的夥伴關係
在重新定義 1776 年那場衝突時,查爾斯三世展現了卓越的歷史洞察力。他將這段糾葛戲稱為「兩個喬治」的故事:一方是美國國父喬治·華盛頓,另一方則是他的「五世祖」(five times great-grandfather)喬治三世。
國王幽默地澄清,自己並非來進行某種「巧妙的後衛行動」(cunning rear guard action)以收回領土,而是要肯定當年「反叛者」們的遠見。他精闢地解析,「無代表、不納稅」這項引發戰爭的原則,其實正是美國開國元勳們從英國啟蒙思想中繼承的民主價值。這是一場「志同道合者」之間的激烈對話,而衝突後的和解,讓這段關係比任何形式的單一聯盟都更強大。
他引用了川普總統訪問英國時的一段評價,作為這段歷史定論的註腳:
「這段血脈與身份的聯繫是無價且永恆的,是不可替代且不可磨滅的。」

基督信仰:共同的信仰與跨宗教的尊重 

國王提到,對他自己以及在場的許多人來說,基督教信仰是堅定的錨與日常的靈感來源,不僅指引著個人,也將大家凝聚為社群的一份子。他強調,自己將大半生奉獻於促進跨宗教的關係與理解,並無數次印證了「光明必將戰勝黑暗」的信念。他表示:「透過這些經歷,當看到不同信仰的人們在對彼此的理解中成長時,他們之間發展出的深深敬意總是啟發著我」。

關於對世界的祈禱與和平的呼籲 針對當前動盪的世界,查理三世表達了他的祈願:「這就是為什麼我希望、也是我的祈禱,在這些動盪的時代中,透過我們與國際夥伴的共同努力,能夠阻止人們將犁頭打成刀劍(意即化干戈為玉帛)」

他特別提到,演講時正值復活節期間,這個節日最能增強他的希望。他打從心底相信,英美兩國的核心精神在於「慷慨的靈魂」,並肩負著一項共同的責任:「培養同情心、促進和平、加深相互理解,並重視所有擁有不同信仰或沒有信仰的人」

對英美聯盟與世界未來的祈禱 在演講的後段,他也再次為兩國的聯盟與世界發展祈禱:「我全心全意地祈禱,我們的聯盟將與我們在歐洲、大英國協以及世界各地的夥伴們,繼續捍衛我們共同的價值觀,並希望我們能忽視那些呼籲我們變得更加內向封閉的響亮聲音」

未來的鑰匙:量子、AI 與不可或缺的防禦
在當代史的觀察者眼中,英美關係絕非僅僅依賴歷史的溫情。查爾斯三世明確指出,這種夥伴關係在當今動盪的世界中展現了極高的實務戰略價值。他特別提到不久前發生在離國會大廈不遠處的衝擊事件(January 6th reference),強調面對試圖煽動恐懼與分裂的威脅,兩國對民主價值的守護必須擁有「不可動搖的決心」。
這種合作體現在極具前瞻性的領域:
  • 安全防禦: AUKUS 潛艦計畫、F-35 戰機的共同研發,以及對烏克蘭主權的堅定支持。
  • 個人聯繫: 國王回憶起自己曾在英國皇家海軍服役,追隨父輩與祖輩的足跡,強調這種軍事紐帶的傳承。
  • 科技與教育: 從核融合、量子計算到 AI 醫療,以及惠及數千名美國學子、旨在傳遞馬歇爾將軍精神的「馬歇爾獎學金」。
每年 4,300 億美元的貿易額與 1.7 兆美元的相互投資,構築了這段關係的穩定壓艙石,確保兩國能在「不可預測的環境」中共享韌性。
結語:行動勝於言語的傳承
演說步入尾聲時,查爾斯三世引用了林肯總統在蓋茲堡演說中的名言:「世界可能不太會注意我們在此說了什麼,但絕不會忘記我們在此做了什麼。」
這句話在今日顯得尤為深沉。在下一個 250 年中,面對一個日益動盪且趨於「內向化」(inward-looking)的世界,英美這份基於慷慨精神、同情心與共同價值的盟約,不僅是歷史的遺產,更是對未來的承諾。這場演說提醒我們,這段跨大西洋的「不可替代夥伴關係」,其真正的力量不在於條約的文字,而在於當民主與自由面臨威脅時,雙方是否仍有肩並肩共同行動的勇氣。

附:英國國王查爾斯三世(King Charles III)美國國會演講的完整英文逐字稿 (NotebookLM AI整理)

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, members of Congress, representatives of the American people across all states, territories, cities and communities, I would like, if I may, to take this opportunity to express my particular gratitude to you all for the great honor of addressing this joint meeting of Congress, and on behalf of the Queen and myself, to thank the American people for welcoming us to the United States to mark this semiquincential year of the Declaration of Independence.

And for all of that time, our destinies as nations have been interlinked. As Oscar Wilde said, we have rarely everything in common with America nowadays except, of course, language. So ladies and gentlemen, we meet in times of great uncertainty, in times of conflict from Europe to the Middle East, which pose immense challenges for the international community and whose impact is felt in communities the length and breadth of our own countries. We meet too in the aftermath in this renowned chamber of debate and deliberation. I cannot help but think of my late mother, Queen Elizabeth, who in 1991 was also afforded this signal honor and similarly spoke under the watchful eye of the statue of freedom above us.

Today I am here on this great occasion in the life of our nations to express the highest regard and friendship of the British people to the people of the United States. Now as you may know, when I address my own parliament at Westminster, we still follow an age-old tradition and take a member of Parliament hostage, holding him or her at Buckingham Palace until I am safely returned. These days we look after our guests rather well, to the point that they often do not want to leave. I don't know, Mr. Speaker, if there were any volunteers for that role here today.

As I look back across the centuries, Mr. Speaker, there emerged certain patterns, certain self-evident truths from which we can learn and draw mutual strength. With the spirit of 1776 in our minds, we can perhaps agree that we do not always agree at least in the first instance. Indeed, the very principle on which your Congress was founded, "no taxation without representation," was at once a fundamental disagreement between us, and at the same time a shared democratic value which you inherited from us. Ours is a partnership born out of dispute, but no less strong for it.

So perhaps in this example, we can discern that our nations are in fact instinctively like-minded, a product of the common democratic, legal and social traditions in which our governance is rooted to this day. Drawing on these values and traditions time and again, our two countries have always found ways to come together. And by Jove, Mr. Speaker, when we have found that way to agree, what great change is brought about, not just for the benefit of our peoples but of all peoples. This I believe is the special ingredient in our relationship. As President Trump himself observed during his state visit to Britain last autumn, the bond of kinship and identity between America and the United Kingdom is priceless and eternal; it is irreplaceable and unbreakable.

Mr. Speaker, this is by no means my first visit to Washington DC, the capital of this great republic. It is in fact my 20th visit to the United States, and my first as King and head of the Commonwealth. This is a city which symbolizes a period in our shared history, or what Charles Dickens might have called a tale of two Georges: the first President George Washington and my five times great-grandfather King George III. King George, as you know, never set foot in America, and please rest assured, ladies and gentlemen, I am not here as part of some cunning rear guard action.

The founding fathers were bold and imaginative rebels with a cause. 250 years ago, or as we say in the United Kingdom, "just the other day," they declared independence. By balancing contending forces and drawing strength in diversity, they united 13 desperate colonies to forge a nation on the revolutionary idea of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. They carried with them and carried forward the great inheritance of the British Enlightenment, as well as the ideals which had an even deeper history in English common law and Magna Carta. These roots run deep and they are still vital.

Our Declaration of Rights of 1689 was not only the foundation of our constitutional monarchy but also provided the source of so many of the principles reiterated often verbatim in the American Bill of Rights of 1791. And those roots go even further back in history. The US Supreme Court Historical Society has calculated that Magna Carta is cited in at least 160 Supreme Court cases since 1789, not least as the foundation of the principle that executive power is subject to checks and balances. This is the reason why the stands of stone by the rivers at Runnymede, where Magna Carta was signed in the year 1215, this stone records that an acre of that ancient and historic site was given to the United States of America by the people of the United Kingdom to symbolize our shared resolve in support of liberty and in memory of President John F. Kennedy.

Distinguished members of the 119th Congress, it is here in these very halls that this spirit of liberty and the promise of America's founders is present in every session and every vote cast, not by the will of one but by the deliberation of many representing the living mosaic of the United States. In both of our countries, it is the very fact of our vibrant, diverse and free societies that gives us our collective strength, including to support victims of some of the ills that so tragically exist in both our societies today.

And Mr. Speaker, for many here and for myself, the Christian faith is a firm anchor and daily inspiration that guides us not only personally but together as members of our community. Having devoted a large part of my life to interfaith relationships and greater understanding, it is that faith in the triumph of light over darkness which I have found confirmed countless times. Through it, I am inspired by the profound respect that develops as people of different faiths grow in their understanding of each other. It is why it is my hope, my prayer that in these turbulent times working together and with our international partners we can stem the beating of plowshares into swords. I am mindful that we are still in the season of Easter, the season that most strengthens my hope. It is why I believe with all my heart that the essence of our two nations is a generosity of spirit and a duty to foster compassion, to promote peace, to deepen mutual understanding and to value all people of all faiths and of none.

The alliance that our two nations have built over the centuries, and for which we are profoundly grateful to the American people, is truly unique. And that alliance is part of what Henry Kissinger described as Kennedy's soaring vision of an Atlantic partnership based on twin pillars: Europe and America. That partnership I believe, Mr. Speaker, is more important today than it has ever been. The first reigning British sovereign to set foot in America was my grandfather King George VI. He visited in 1939 with my beloved grandmother Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother. The forces of fascism in Europe were on the march, and sometime before the United States had joined us in the defense of freedom, our shared values prevailed. Today we find ourselves in a new era, but those values remain.

It is an era that is in many ways more volatile and more dangerous than the world to which my late mother spoke in this chamber in 1991. The challenges we face are too great for any one nation to bear alone, but in this unpredictable environment, our alliance cannot rest on past achievements or assume that foundational principles simply endure. As my prime minister said last month, ours is an indispensable partnership. We must not disregard everything that has sustained us for the last 80 years; instead we must build on it.

Renewal today starts with security. The United Kingdom recognizes that the threats we face demand a transformation in British defense. That is why our country, in order to be fit for the future, has committed to the biggest sustained increase in defense spending since the Cold War, during part of which over 50 years ago I served with immense pride in the Royal Navy following in the naval footsteps of my father Prince Philip Duke of Edinburgh, my grandfather King George VI, my great uncle Lord Mountbatten and my great-grandfather King George V.

This year of course also marks the 25th anniversary of 9/11. This atrocity was a defining moment for America, and your pain and shock were felt around the whole world. During my visit to New York, my wife and I will again pay our respects to the victims, the families and the bravery shown in the face of terrible loss. We stood with you then, and we stand with you now in solemn remembrance of a day that shall never be forgotten. In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when NATO invoked Article 5 for the first time and the United Nations Security Council was united in the face of terror, we answered the call together as our people have done so for more than a century, shoulder-to-shoulder through two world wars, the Cold War, Afghanistan and moments that have defined our shared security.

Today, Mr. Speaker, that same unyielding resolve is needed for the defense of Ukraine and her most courageous people. It is needed in order to secure a truly just and lasting peace. From the depths of the Atlantic to the disastrously melting ice caps of the Arctic, the commitment and expertise of the United States armed forces and its allies lie at the heart of NATO, pledged to each other's defense, protecting our citizens and interests, keeping North Americans and Europeans safe from our common adversaries. Our defense, intelligence and security ties are hardwired together through relationships measured not in years but in decades. Today thousands of US service personnel, defense officials and their families are stationed in the United Kingdom, as British personnel serve with equal pride across 30 American states.

We are building F-35s together and we have agreed the most ambitious submarine program in history, AUKUS. And we are doing it in partnership with Australia, a country of which I'm also immensely proud to serve as sovereign. We do not embark on these remarkable endeavors together out of sentiment; we do so because they build greater shared resilience for the future, so making our citizens safer for generations to come.

Our common ideals were not only crucial for liberty and equality, they are also the foundation of our shared prosperity. The rule of law, the certainty of stable and accessible rules, an independent judiciary resolving disputes and delivering impartial justice, these features created the conditions for centuries of unmatched economic growth in our two countries. This is why our governments are concluding new economic and technology agreements to write the next chapter of our joint prosperity and ensure that British and American ingenuity continues to lead the world.

Our nations are combining talent and resources in the technologies of tomorrow, our new partnerships in nuclear fusion and quantum computing and in AI and drug discovery holding the promise of saving countless lives. More broadly, we celebrate the $430 billion in annual trade that continues to grow, the $1.7 trillion in mutual investment that fuels that innovation, and the millions of jobs on both sides of the Atlantic supported across both economies. These are strong foundations on which to continue to build for generations yet unborn.

Our ties in education, research and cultural exchange empower citizens and future leaders of both countries. The Marshall Scholarship, named after the great General George Marshall, and the association of which I am so proud to be patron, are emblematic of the connection between our two countries. Since its founding, more than 2,300 scholarships have been awarded, opening doors for Americans from all walks of life to study at the United Kingdom's leading universities.

So as we look toward the next 250 years, we must also reflect on our shared responsibility to safeguard nature, our most precious and irreplaceable asset. Millennia before our nations existed, before any border drawn, the mountains of Scotland and Appalachia were one, a single continuous range forged in the ancient collision of continents. The natural wonders of the United States of America are indeed a unique asset, and generations of Americans have risen to this calling. Indigenous, political and civic leaders, people in rural communities and cities alike have all helped to protect and nurture what President Theodore Roosevelt called the glorious heritage of this land's extraordinary natural splendor on which so much of his prosperity has always depended. Yet even as we celebrate the beauty that surrounds us, our generation must decide how to address the collapse of critical natural systems which threatens far more than the harmony and essential diversity of nature. We ignore at our peril the fact that these natural systems, in other words nature's own economy, provide the foundation for our prosperity and our national security.

The story of the United Kingdom and the United States is at its heart a story of reconciliation, renewal and remarkable partnership. From the bitter divisions of 250 years ago, we forged a friendship that has grown into one of the most consequential alliances in human history. I pray with all my heart that our alliance will continue to defend our shared values with our partners in Europe and the Commonwealth and across the world, and that we ignore the clarion calls to become ever more inward-looking.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, America's words carry weight and meaning as they have since independence. The actions of this great nation matter even more. President Lincoln understood this so well with his reflection in the magisterial Gettysburg address that the world may little note what we say but will never forget what we do. And so to the United States of America on your 250th birthday, let our two countries rededicate ourselves to each other in the selfless service of our peoples and of all the peoples of the world. God bless the United States and God bless the United Kingdom.

 

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